The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant incumbents of that office in American history. While many second-in-commands were limited to minor or symbolic positions, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly referred to as the "true president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and claimed the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their relationship as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney considered the easygoing president accommodating on a wide array of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a faction of conservative hawks that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the downing of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, leading him to become determined on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on faulty reports circulated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do back then. I believed it at the time and I hold that view now."
Yet even at the time, there were opposing views at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: at worst, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memo setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (including "access to crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be prepared to operate alone when joint efforts prove impossible," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office somewhat determined on implementing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, repeatedly referencing agency briefings that were whether weak or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "advanced techniques", the employment of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and create initiatives to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed labels imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? This represents a effective way to operate, actually."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his business interests accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had little experience in business but established relationships in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements worth substantial sums.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the corporation grew from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package worth over $20m|twenty
